by Henry Cadbury

Part Four: Footnotes

This Document is on The Quaker Writings Home Page.

Erratas There appear to be printer's errors in the original at notes 9,43; In some instances, marked with a #, the copy was illegible and parts of the note are my best guess.

(1) In this paper I limit myself to the American continent. Hence I do not refer to the large Quaker membership of Negroes in Jamaica, nor do I include by name any of the living Negro members of Friends' meetings in various parts of the United States.

(2) Joseph Besse, A Collection of the Sufferings of the People Called Quakers, 1753, Vol. II, p. 324.

(3) Joan Vokins in 1680 held "two or three meetings in a day both among the blacks, and also among the white people" in Barbados (God's Mighty Power Magnified.... Joan Vokins, New Edit., Cockermouth, 1871, p. 43) and also in Nevis (ibid., p. 62), and mentions no opposition. For Negro improvements in Nevis, see Besse, op. cit., p. 361.

(4) Gospel Family Order (1701 Edit.), p. 22. When Fox was in Barbados meetings were "set up in every Friend's house among Blacks, some 200, some 300," Cambridge Journal, 1911, ii., 255. Cf. Journal of Friends Historical Society, ix, 1912, p. 5: "We have set up meetings in their particular families for the masters and dames to admonish their servants both whites and blacks."

(5) "Negroes' Meetings in Families," Journal of William Edmundson, 1715, p. 71.

(6) Annual Catalogue of George Fox, 62F.

(7) Minutes printed in Publications of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, iv. 236.

(8) Journal of Friends' Historical Society, xiv, 1917, p 32.

(9) Minutes printed in the Publications of the Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, iv. 236.

(9) MS Minutes of Philadelphia M.M. frequently quoted. But further references to such actual meetings in subsequent time I have not found.

(10) MS Minutes of Philadelphia M.M. iii, v. 1756, xi, xii. 1757. Cf. also Weekly Minutes of Ministers and Elders at that period. The change to third day so that "the youth and negro meetings are now kept the same day" was evidently recent when Anthony Benezet wrote to George Dillwyn "in 10 mo, 1779" (unpublished letter at Haverford College).

(11) Journal of Job Scott 1797, p. 167. (xi. 1786.) Memoir of Martha Routh, York, 1822 (v. xi. 1796). Mary Pryor by Mary Pryor Hack, 1886, p. 95 (v (?). 1798). Journal of Elias Hicks, New York, 1832, p. 78 (v. 1798). A Journal of Richard Jordan, 1829, p. 35 (vii. 1797), 141 (ii. 1803) Dorothy Ripley, in Journal of Friends Historical Society, xxii. p. 44 (v. 1803). #

(12) Memorials of Rebecca Jones, Second Edition (1849), p. 316; cf. 313 (xi. 1801). The denominations represented by Negro churches in Philadelphia in 1805 were Protestant Episcopal (St. Thomas'), African Methodist Episcopal (Bethel), and Methodist Episcopal (Zoar.) A Presbyterian church was founded in 1807, a Baptist in 1809. See W.E.B. DuBois, The Philadelphia Negro, 1899, p. 99. Cf. James Mease, The Picture of Philadelphia, 1811, pp. 218-222.

(13) See Rev. Wm. Douglas, Annals of the First African Church, Philadelphia, 1862; Life of Richard Allen, written by himself, Philadelphia, 1899. pp. 18-22; Carter G. Woodson, A History of the Negro Church, 1921. The story is given quite differently by Trevor Bowen in Divine White right, 1934, pp. 99 ff.

(14) Benjamin Rush, a Presbyterian, is on the same list. His interest in the movement is attested by the printed Extract of a Letter from Dr. Benjamin Granville Sharp, London, 1792.

(15) My evidence is an original notice of a meeting: "The Free African Society for the Relief of the Sick, meet at the Blacks' School House, in Willing's Alley, at 8 o'clock this evening 7 mo. 20, 1799. To Cyrus Bustill." I am indebted to Anna Bustill Smith for the loan of this relic.

(16) Less accurately E.R. Turner, The Negro in Philadelphia, p. 135, speaks of the Colored Presbyterian Church as the first result of the splitting into denominations.

(17) Quoted from M. Augusta Pettit, A Short History of the Organization of the Religious Society of Friends at Salem, New Jersey, 1922.

(18) A Narrative of Some of the Proceedings of North Carolina Yearly Meeting on the Subject of Slavery within Its Limits. Greensborough, N.C., 1848, p. 6.

(19) James Wood, in Bi-Centenial Anniversary of New York Meeting, New York, 1895, p. 34.

(20) Original letter at Haverford College.

(21) MS. Minutes of Philadelphia Y.M. Probably of earlier application though somewhat vague is the statement by Amelia M. Gummere in her Friends in Burlington. Philadelphia, 1884, p. 61 (Penna, Mag. of History and Biography, viii, 1884, p. 161): "Many meetings were held hereabouts for the Blacks."

(22) Cf. A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of the Religious Society of Friends against Slavery and the Slave Trade (by Nathan Kite), 1843, pp. 39 ff. referring to meetings at Crosswicks, N.J., in Haddonfield Q.M., and in Salem M.M. See also minutes of Evesham M.M. for viii. 5, 1779, and of Haddonfield M.M. for i. 12, 1784. Cf. E.R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, 1911, p. 44, note 26. John Hunt in his Journal, being published in installments beginning July, 1934, in Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society mentions Negro meetings in Haddonfield, ii. 9, 1779 ("not much less than 200 met"), and at Evesham, viii. 8, 1779; i. 21, 1782; vi. 26, 1785; viii. 27, 1786. v. 8, 1791; and at Cropwell, vii. 12, 1789.

(23) Joshua Evens, Journal, p. 49 (vii. 4, 1794), Memoir of Martha Routh, York, 1822, p. 104 (i., 1795), Mary Pryor, p. 115 (1798), Journal of Joseph Hoag, London, 1862, p. 85 (1801), Narrative of Jesse Kersey, Philadelphia, 1851, p. 163 (1841).

(24) Memoir of Martha Routh, p. 150 (xii., 1795), Joshua Evans, Journal, p. 155 (ii. 10, 1797), Some Account of the Life of John Wigham, London, 1842, p. 71 (vii. 28, 1797.)

(25) Memoir of Martha Routh, p. 98 (Boston, 1794), p. 125 (Newport, R.I., 1795), p. 225 (Baltimore, 1796); Some Account of the Life of John Wigham, p. 48 (Baltimore, 1795); Journal of Richard Jordan, Philadelphia, 1829, p. 26 (at the house of the late Daniel Mifflin, 1797); Dorothy Ripley, The Bank of Faith and Works United, Philadelphia, 1819, p. 74 (Albany, 1805), p. 183 (Boston, 1805); Journal of Joseph Hoag, p. 170 (Baltimore, 1812); Memoirs of Wm. Forster(?), London, 1865, i. p. 313 (Little Creek, Del., 1812), ibid. ii. p. 32 (Symon's Creek, N.C., 1825); Memoir of Christopher Healy, Philadelphia, 1886, p. 65 (Providence, R.I., 1812, "400 negroes")l Narrative of Jesse Kersey, p. 81 (Alexandria, Va., 1814); Journal of Elias Hicks, 1832, p. 199 (Jericho, L.I. , 1814); p. 204 (New York, 1815, "very large"), p. 308 (Jericho, L.I., 1817), p. 316 (Baltimore, 1817), p. 393 (Baltimore, 1822, "much the largest known in that place"); Journal of John Comley, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 154f (New York, 1815, "1400 to 1500 coloured people"); The Life, Travels, and Opinions of Benj. Lundy, Philadelphia, 1847, p. 28 (Albany, N.Y., 1828). #

(26) Journal of William Williams, Cincinnati, 1828, pp. 95f.

(27) Narrative of Jesse Kersey, Philadelphia, 1851, p. 100. Cf. J.J. Gurney, A Journey in North America, 1841, p 86 of a meeting in the Negroes Methodist meeting-house in Baltimore in 1837; The Journal of Thomas Arnett (?) Chicago, 1884, p. 132, of a meeting in the African Methodist meeting house in Rochester, N.Y., in 1835. #

(28) In MSS of the Meeting for Sufferings, Box 17 at 304 Arch Street, Philadelphia.

(29) See E. Michener, A Retrospective of Early Quakerism Philadelphia, 1860, p. 352 for the yearly meeting minute, p. 354f. for the report of the committee in New Garden Monthly Meeting.

(30) See p. 196.

(31) Turner, The Negro in Philadelphia, p. 46, note 47. For the draft of a certificate of such a Negro marriage, see Samuel N. Rhoades, Americana Curiosa et Quakeriana, Catalogue 35, 1916-1917, p. 26.

(32) Friends Intelligencer xiii, 1856-7, 581ff.

(33) Friends Intelligencer xiii, 1856-7, p. 4. The letters are dated Nottingham and Bethel in 1807.

(34) The Negro in Pennsylvania, 1911, p. 47. The evidence he quotes is Minutes Middletown Monthly Meeting, 2nd Book A, 171, 559; Pa. Mag. VIII, 419; Isaac Comly,Sketches of the History of Byberry, in Mem. Hist. Soc. Pa., II, 194. He adds "There were exceptions, however. Cf. MS. Bk. of Rec. Merion Meeting Grave Yard." The records of Middletown, Bucks Co., alone of the passages cited are explicit in forbidding burials of Negroes in Quaker grounds. See T.W. Bean, History of Montgomery County, Phila., 1884, quoting minutes for 1703 and 1738.

(35) Cambridge Journal of George Fox, 1911, ii. 195.

(36) MS Records belonging to Philadelphia M.M. No. C26, item 51.

(37) J.H. Martin, Chester, Phila., 1877, p. 80.

(38) Clovercroft Chronicles, 1814-1893, by Mary R. Haines,

Phila. [1893], p. 151. #

(39) Aaron M. Powell, Personal Reminiscences, 1899, pp. 161f.

(40) Penna. Mag. of History and Biography, xxiv., 1900, p. 155; Select Miscellany, Phila., 5th Mo. 1900, No. 101; South Jerseyman Salem, N.J., Vol. xix, No. 50, May 22, 1900.

(41) In 1671 in Barbados George Fox advised Friends to provide three books for recording Friend's births, deaths, marriages, and "also distinct ones for Blacks unconvinced that were Friends' servants." Cambridge Journal, ii. 1955. For fuller text see unpublished Richardson MSS, p. 222 or MS New England Book of Epistles, p. 6.

(42) James W. Moore, Reports of the Kingwood Monthly Meeting of Friends, Hunterdon Co., N.J., Flemington, 1900, p. 26.

(43) MS. Volume in Friends' Records, 304 Arch St., Phila., No. RS 355.

(44) For a full account of this phenomenon based on MS minutes see A Narrative of Some of the Proceedings of North Carolina Yearly Meeting on the Subject of Slavery Within its Limits, Greensbrough, 1848; S.B. Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, 1896, p. 224ff.

(45) A Journey in North America, Norwich, 1841, p. 59f.

(46) Benjamin Lundy was active in the settling of these slaves in Haiti and makes frequent references to the Negroes in the care of North Carolina Yearly Meeting in the Genius of Universal Emancipation. See his Life by Thomas Earle, 1847, pp. 29, 201, 203, 220, 232, 249.

(47) Journal of Joseph Hoag, London, 1862, p. 177.

(48) Memoirs of Stephen Grellet, Phila., n.d., p. 671.

(49) Journal of Thomas Shillitoe, London, 1839, ii. p. 365.

(50) Memoirs of William Forster, London, 1865, ii. p. 31.

(51) Stephen Grellet, Memoirs, Phila., n.d., p. 671f.

(52) J. Hector St. John (de Crevecoeur), Letters from an American Farmer, London, 1782, pp. 263f. It is possible that "our Society" means here not the Society of Friends but American society in general )as on p. 222), but the author's own French version of 1787 (Vol. i, p. 172, cf. also p. 171) makes the former almost certain.

(53) MS Records of Christ Church cited by E.R. Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania, p 44 note. My friend, John Cox, Jr. who is editing the records of Trinity Church, New York, tells me of many Negro baptism there also. Cf. G.F. Bragg, The History of the Afro-American Group of the Episcopal Church, Baltimore, 1922.

(54) I quote a few statements from among the many: William Tallack, an English Quaker visitor in 1860, writes: "Their minds are unable to apprehend the abstractions and refinements of our spiritual views; they must have in their worship loud prayers, camp meetings, much singing and colloquial exhortations, or else they are apt to go to sleep. Such was the account given me of them in the west, and I can quite believe it." (Friendly Sketches in America, London, 18621, p. 52.) Carter G. Woodson, the modern Negro historian, writing of Philadelphia Negroes about 1800, says, "The faith of the Quakers, their religious procedures, and peculiar customs could not be easily understood and appreciated by the Negroes in their undeveloped state." (History of the Negro Church, 1921, p. 19.

(55) MS. Minutes of Philadelphia M.M., 1751-1756, p. 213.

(56) Catherine H. Birney, The Grimke Sisters, Boston, 1885, p. 122.

(57) This fact is well attested; see the volume In Memory: Angelina Grimke Weld, Boston, 1880, pp. 11, 41, 52. But it cannot be maintained as in the Journal of Friends' Historical Society, xiv. 1911, p. 79, that Sarah Grimke resigned or was disowned because she and her sister "treated as an equal a colored woman the meeting had admitted to membership, but made sit by herself back under the gallery - they went and sat by her." Their disownment was regular and independent of undoubted friction on the matter of race. The latter got no further than an unofficial threat of disownment. As the full correspondence, official and unofficial, now published, shows, they were automatically disowned, Angelina for marrying "out of meeting" and Sarah for countenancing this breach of discipline by her presence at the marriage. See Letters of Theodore Dwight Weld, Angelina Grimke Weld, and Sarah Grimke, 1822-1844, edited in two volumes by Gilbert H. Barnes and Dwight L. Drummond (referred hereafter as Weld-Grimke Letters), 1934. pp. 678, 683-685.

(58) xvi., 1842-3, p. 374. Cf. The Friend (London), ii.,1844, pp. 172, 269 (letters from Abraham L. Pennock.)

(59) The Friends' Meeting House at Fourth and Arch Streets, 1904, p. 93. A well authenticated statement of an eye-witness relates that at the meeting house at Haddonfield, N.J., a bench in the back of the room was reserved for colored attenders of who there were several at times.

(60) A Visit to the United States in 1841, London, 1842, p. 100. Occasionally travelers speak of the large number of Negroes at meetings not especially appointed for them. So William Williams (Journal, p. 224) at Chester, Penna., in 1818, and Joshua Evans, (Journal, p. 147) at Clubfoot in 1796.

(61) The Non-Slaveholder, v. 1850, p. 206.

(62) This is the earliest date I have found at which the problem was raised anywhere, though both Amelia Gummere and Isaac Sharpless writing of the colonial period in The Quakers in the American Colonies, 1911, pp. 397 and 520, say respectively "a few might be found in each of the colonies who were received into membership with the Society" and "a few joined Friends." the only individual instanced by either of them is Paul Cuffee whose admission to membership was much later.

(63) The membership of Indians in the Society of Friends has, so far as I know, never been studied, nor am I aware of any ancient statement of principle. Some converts resulting from Quaker missions in comparatively recent times are mentioned by Rayner W. Kelsey, Friends and the Indians, 1917, 212f., 240, 248. An Indian Quaker minister, Samuel Clinton (1860-1933) of the Modoc tribe, may be mentioned as a modern instance of membership (The American Friend, xli, 1934, p. 106. Kelsey, p. 13, quotes statistics for 1914 which assign to the Quaker Indian missions 550 native members. From the death at Burlington in 1681 of the famous Ockanickon, Indians were sometimes buried in Quaker grounds, e.g. in 1792 at Philadelphia (Diary of Caleb Cresson, 1781, p. 146 and were probably treated as members. They were in general less intimately associated with Friends' families and communities than Negro slaves and servants. On the other hand, they would be less likely to be met with "prejudice of color." An English visitor to the Central States in 1860 who is usually well informed about American Quakerism wrote of Indiana Yearly Meeting: "There have been a very few instances, as in Kansas, of Indians becoming attached to the meetings and principles of Friends, but scarcely ever any negroes or colored people" (William Tallack,Friendly Sketches in America, 1861, pp. 51f.Some persons of partly Indian ancestry are mentioned below. Cf. Friends' Review, iv, 1851, 616. Robert Sutcliff (Travels in Some Parts of North America, York, 1811, p. 203) says that some INdians that he met had "no objections to attending Friends' meetings if it were not too long to sit doing nothing without the privilege of a pipe."

(64) Two-hundred and Twenty-fifth Anniversary of Concord Monthly Meeting of Friends, (1911), pp. 33f.

(65 Letter of Ann Emlen of Philadelphia to Hannah Townsend of East Bradford, 10 mo. 4, 1783, quoted by Gilbert Cope, loc. cit.

(66) Bowden, History of Friends in America, ii., 371.

(67) The text of this memorandum, dated Philadelphia 1st mo. 1795, is included as Appendix IV in an unpublished Ph.D. Thesis by Thomas E. Drake, Northern Quakers and Slavery. To it I am also indebted for the preceding reference.

(68) This was the time of holding the Yearly Meeting in the eighteenth century, but the virulence of yellow fever in this and previous autumns in Philadelphia led to the change thereafter to a spring month. The Yearly Meeting of 1796 was notable for other decisions, viz. the building of Arch Street Meeting House, the founding of Westtown School, and the initiation of work for "gradual civilization" of the Indians. See Memorials of Rebecca Jones as cited in note 73.

(69) This and following quotations of Monthly Meeting minutes are based on transcripts form the MS record book in New York kindly supplied to me by John Cox, Jr., Chairman of the Joint Committee on Records of the Religious Society of Friends.

(70) Some Account of the Life of John Wigham, London, 1842, p. 56. The exclamation mark, unusual in old journals of Friends, is in the original.

(71) Minutes of Shrewsbury and Rahway Q.M. 20 8 mo. 1796.

(72) A MS copy of the committee report, perhaps the original, is extent in the Historical Society of Pennsylvanian, Pemberton Papers, vol. 55, p. 42. It is addressed "To the Yearly Meeting now Sitting" and endorsed in a different hand "Adopted by said Yearly Meeting and recommended to the attention and practice of the monthly meetings."

(73) Comly, Miscellany, x. 273. Corrected by the original MS, not yet published for this date (9 mo. 25, 1796) but kindly copied for me by the editor. See above, note 22. Comly has exercised his usual editorial liberty. The whole passage is very full and vivid. The Journal of Isaac Martin (Phila., 1834) makes no reference to the case though he was a member of Rahway meeting. Cf. Memorials of Rebecca Jones, Second Edit., Phila., (1849), p. 231f.

(74) Memoir of Martha Routh, Second Edit., York, 1824, p. 213. Other Friends are less enthusiastic about this yearly metings sessions but do not say why, e.g. Joshua Evan's Journal 1837, p. 139., Elizabeth Collins says of the Yearly Meeting, "Many weighty matters were

feelingly and pertinently spoken to." S. Corder, Memorials of Deceased Friends, Lindfield, 1829; Memoirs of Elizabeth Collins, Phila., Nathan Kite, p. 41f. Journal of the Life and Religious Labours of John Comly, Philadelphia, 1853, p. 60: "It was to me a very interesting


(75) Memoirs of Stephen Grellet, Phila., n.d., p. 40.

(76) Isaac Sharpless speaking of the Quaker emancipation a few years earlier say of the Negroes, "A few joined Friends." (Quakers in the American Colonies, p. 520.)

(77) The editions include beside 1797, 1006 and 1825 the "Orthodox" Disciplines of 1828, 1834, 1869, 1873, 1880, 1881, 1884, 1886, 1890, 1893, 1903, 1907, 1910 and 1912 and "Hicksite" editions of 1831, 1838, 1856, 1865, 1877, 1883, 1888, 1894, 1913.

(78) This is frequently mentioned in the Weld-Grimke Letters, It is I think wrongly identified with a 40 page MS., apparently addressed to Elizabeth Pease by Sarah Grimke, now in the Boston Public Library. Bassett's A Letter to a Member of the Society of Friends in Reply to Objections against Joining Anti-Slavery Societies was published at Boston in 1837. I have already published the narrative of this incident in The Friend, Philadelphia, cix., 1935, p. 92.

(78) See the pamphlet Proceedings of the Society of Friends in the Case of William Bassett, Worcester, Mass., 1840.

(80) Elizabeth Pease to Angelina G. Weld, 4 mo. 19, 1839,

Weld-Grimke Letters, 1934, p. 756.

(81) Society of Friends in U.S., 1840, p. 23. (italics as printed. The quotations are from the manuscript of Sarah Grimke mentioned above, from which the three omissions can be filled in as follows "Grace Douglass (the mother of Sarah)," "Arch Street Meeting" [Philadelphia], "Angelina" [Grimke-Weld]. On Grace Douglass, see below, p. 180; the rejected man may be the one mentioned below, p. 181. This pamphlet was reviewed in the Irish Friend iii. No. 4 (1840), pp. 25ff., with long extracts including S. Douglass's letter. This periodical continued an interest in the problem but with no references to Negro membership.

(82) To Elizabeth Pease, April 18, 1840, in Weld-Grimke Letters p. 829. The former members are a colored man at Lynn, Massachusetts, and a few aged colored persons in New Jersey. From Sarah Douglass' letter to William Bassett (ibid. p. 829ff; cf. Society of Friends in U.S. pp. 22, 23ff.) and other evidence it is clear that Negroes were deterred from applying for membership and even from attending Friends meeting by the custom as assigning them a special bench.

(83) The British Friend, i, April 29, 1843, p. 60.

(84) The Friend, xiii, 1840, pp. 333 and 352.

(85) The Friend (Philadelphia) xvi, 1842-3, pp. 374ff.;

reprinted in The Friend (London), i, 1842-3, 238ff.

(86) Loc. cit.; also Editorial in the Friend (London) i, p. 221. I infer that this defense of Philadelphia Friends was correct from the fact that neither Arnold Buffon nor others who vigorously continued to accuse them and Friends generally of lukewarmness in the Anti-Slavery cause in the British Friend i, ii and iii, reverted to the vague charge of their treatment of Negroes after the charge was denied by "M.F.S." ii, 67.

(87) "Thomas Scattergood and his times," a series of articles in the Friend (Phila.) largely reprinted in Biographical Sketches and Anecdotes of Member of the Religious Society of Friends, Philadelphia, 1870. These incidents appear in the Friend, xxiii, 1849, 4f., and are reprinted in the Friends' Intelligencer xiii, 1856, 278ff. They are omitted in Biographical Sketches.

(88) Neither the name of the Negro member not the name of his meeting nor the date is given. But the story is told of a visit in Philadelphia by Micajah Collins, who said he was the first minister after the prediction was fulfilled. According to the minute of Salem Monthly Meeting about Collins (Memorials of Deceased Friends of New England Yearly Meeting, Providence, 1841, 50ff.) he was born in 1764, lived at Lynn, Massachusetts, was called to the ministry in his twenty-seventh year, visited the Middle States for the last time in 1824-5, and died in 1827. The incident had therefore occurred about 1750. This makes the unnamed Negro a much earlier case of membership in the Society of Friends than any other that I know of or mention below. A memorandum recently published (Weld-Grimke Letters 1934, p. 829), written by Sarah M., Grimke in 1840 tells the story in much the same way, mentions the meeting as Lynn, the time as "80 or 90 years ago," and the period of "famine of the word of the Lord" as "50 years." But there may be some inaccuracy in a strict calculation of this sort. Micajah Collins himself testified in 1822 that he had been an "acknowledged minister of society nearly twenty years." (Trial of Benjamin Shaw, John Alley, Junior, etc. for Riots. Salem, 1822, p. 24.)

(89) The place or date is not given, though obviously before 1824. The dream is given at length. There are other cases where a dream converts Friends from slaveholding. See on Clark Moorman in The Friend (London), xl (1901), 587f., reprinted in The Friend (Philadelphia) lxxiv (1900-01), 106ff; and the similar motif in the dream of Benjamin Rush about Anthony Benezet (Anthony Benezet by Wilson Armistead, London, 1859, pp. 139-144), and of Mrs. Grace Growden Galloway (Penna Mag. of History and Biography lv, 1931, p. 63), and of an unnamed Mennonite in John Hunt's Journal (in Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, liii, 1935, p. 29.) Thomas Say, a young Philadelphia Quaker, in a trance in 1748, saw "a negro going to heaven with him and it did make his glad. It was one Cuffe belong to Widow Hearney." See his Life published by his son in 1796.

(90) Journal of Friends Historical Society, xiii, 1916, p. 96.

(91) S.B. Weeks, Southern Quakers and Slavery, p. 222 note. Elsewhere in this paper have been mentioned cases of rejection or delay.

(92) Life of Samuel J. Levick, Phila., 1896, p. 52, cf. 55, 66, referring in all to four visits to the meeting.

(93) Intelligencer and Journal, xlv (?) , 1888, p. 216f., mentioning the case of William Boen (see below, pp. 194-195) with a letter from E.G. Fenimore (ibid. p. 249), mentioning David and Grace Maps (see below, pp. 186-187 and note 103.) #

(94) The following example have been arranged in no special order of time and place. it will be observed that several of the earliest were in New England. In some cases it is the longevity of the Negro that causes mention of him. Probably this was sometimes exaggerated. As merely associated with a famous quaker may be mention "old black Alice, who died in 1802...she being then 116 years of age with a sound memory to the last, distinctly remembered William Penn, whose pipe she often lighted (to use her own words)." Watson's Annals of Philadelphia (in MS at Historical Society of Pennsylvania), p. 604.

(95) Mary Pryor, by Mary Pryor Hack, 1886, p. 104.

(96) New Hampshire Genealogical Record, i, 1903-4, p. 72.

(97) Minutes of Dover M.M., ii, p. 139. The disownment is recorded, ibid, p. 123. For full transcripts of the records in this case I am indebted to Mrs. Annie E. Pinkham, Dover, N.H. They add in connection with the marriage, "Both of them colored and neither of them members till now." Apparently two of their children were born before the disownment and were therefore birthright members, viz.: Simon, b. 1 mo. 31st, 1776; disowned in 1802; Caesar died some time after." The mother was also disowned.

(98) See W.H. Stanton, Our Ancestors, The Stantons, Philadelphia: Privately printed, 1922, p. 461.

(99) Memoirs fo the Life of Henry Hull, Philadelphia, 1873, p. 60.

(100) Rebecca N. Taylor, A Family History of Rebecca and Sarah Nicholson, 1917, p. 11.

(101) Office of Gloucester County, Book B or receipts and discharges, folio 357.

(102)Journal of Christopher Healy, Philadelphia, 1886, p. 197f.

(103)The Friend (Philadelphia) vii, 1833-4, p. 72, a brief biography of Grace Mapps. Minutes of Little Egg Harbor M.M. in MS at 304 Arch St., Philadelphia.

(104) Charles F. Green, Pleasant Mill, New Jesery, Lake Nesochague, A Place of Olden Days: An Historical Sketch, 3rd Edit., n.p., n.d., p. 27, quoted also in The Friend ci (?) (Philadelphia), 1928, p. 606f. #

(105)Journal of the Life of Joseph Hoag, London, 1862, p. 224f. The American edition, Sherwoods, N.Y., 1860, p. 230, had read, "We also had a satisfactory meeting at the Bank, where we staid (sic) all night at a Friend's house - a man of color - by the Name is David Mapes." (sic) The English editing is interesting, if unnecessary.

(106)Journal of William Williams, Cincinnati, 1828, (Cf. The Friend, Phila., lix, 1885-6, p. 265.

(107)Memoir of Mildred Ratcliffe, Philadelphia, 1890, p. 133.

(108)Journal of Charles Osborn, Cincinnati, 1854, p. 177.

(109)The Journal of the Life, Labours, and Travels of Thomas

Shillitoe, London, 1839, ii, 274.

(110)Isaac T. Hopper: A True Life, by L. Maria Child, Boston, 1853, p. 210.

(111) He had foster children (see p. 189). E.G. Fenimore under date of 4 mo. 10, 1888, writing to the Intelligencer and Journal xlv, p. 249, also said David and Grace Maps had no children. His description of them, though written based on his boyhood memory sixty-five years afterward, is interesting and probably generally correct.

(112) "The Bustill Family," by Anna Bustill Smith in Journal of Negro History, x, 1925, pp. 638-644; cf. 645-647. Mrs. Smith has also sent me direct much further information about this family, some of which I have used and hereby gratefully aknowledge. Perhaps the most famous member of this family is the actor, Paul Bustill Robeson (1898--), a great gandson of Cyrus Bustill. In his wife's life of him, Paul Robeson, Negro by Eslanda Robeson, 1930, will be found a brief reference to this ancestry.

(113) Samuel Bustill (Bustal, Bustil) was a member of St. Mary's church at Burlington and active in colonial politics. In 1733 he was appointed Clerk to the Council. See New Jersey Archives, First Series, xi, p. 106.

(114) William T. Catto, A Semi-Centenary Discourse delivered in the First African Presbyterian Church...with a History of the Church from its First Organization, Philadelphia, 1857, pp. 36f.

(115)The Grimke Sisters, 1885, p.121.

(116)Twenty-fifth Annual Report of the Board of Managers, 1877, p. 10.

(117) Mrs. Henrietta R. Farrelly, who was about nine at the time. I have not been able to identify her meeting membership in the MS membership lists of Spruce St. Monthly Meeting, now at Swarthmore College.

(118)Op. cit., p. 640.

(119)Ibid., p. 641.

(120) W. Douglass, Annals of the First African Church, p. 53.

Journal of Negro History, xvii, 1932,, p. 320.

(121) See p. 210.

(122) A.M. Gummere, The Journal of John Woolman, 1922, pp. 608f. Cf. 83f.

(123) The testimony dated 1825 was published in Comly, Miscellany, i, 1831, 183ff., second edit., i, 1834, 388ff, Memorials Concerning Deceased Friends, Philadelphia, 1841, pp. 4ff. Friends Intelligencer, vii, 1850, 274. L. Maria Child, The Freedmen's Book, 1865, pp. 26ff.

(124) Anecdotes about William Boen (dated 1824) in Comly, Miscellany, as above, separately published as a pamphlet Anecdotes and Memoirs of William Boen. Philadelphia, 1834; (Manchester, 1846). The Friend, Philadelphia, lxi, 1887, 77. (125)Memoir of Thomas Kite, Philadelphia, p. 59.

(126)Journal of the Life, Labours, and Travels of Thomas Shillitoe, London, 1839, 11, 282f. The minute spoken of does not appear in the MS minutes for that period of Burlington M.M., to which Mt. Holly belonged up to 1775. But there was a Preparative Meeting at Mt. Holly to which applications for membership would be first received. Its minutes are not known to be in existence.

(12) Colorphobia Exemplified or a Letter on the Subject of Prejudice against Colour amongst the Society of Friends in the United States, by Sarah M. Grimke, 1839, p. 14. This is the unpublished MS now at the Boston Public Library; compare above.

(128) For bibliography see H.N. Sherwood, "Paul Cuffe," in Journal of Negro History, viii, 1923, pp. 153ff. based on much unpublished material and other items mentioned in the notice of him in the Dictionary of American Biography." There are various notices in Quaker periodicals, e.g. Friends Weekly Intelligencer, vii, 1850-1, 306. The Non-Slaveholder, v. 1850, 265ff. (by W.J. Allinson, with silhouette). A. Mott and M.S. Wood, Narratives of Colored Americans, N.Y. 1875, pp. 126ff. See further, Jos. Smith, Catalogue of Friends Books, i, 500f; Daniel Ricketson, The History of New Bedford, New Bedford, 1858, chapter 20, and materials in Friends Reference Library, London. Probably few of his family were officially Friends, though they had Quaker associations. See unpublished correspondence in New Bedford Free Public Library. His son and namesake for example - whose interesting career at sea and in foreign lands is described in an autobiographical Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Paul Cuffe, A Pequot Indian, (Vernon, [Conn.] 1839) - spend two years (1809-11) in "a school taught by a Friend Quaker," in William's Alley, Philadelphia.

(129) Frances T. Rhodes in The Friends Meeting House, Fourth and Arch Streets, Philadelphia, ,1904, p. 93f. the house is not identified. Oral tradition places it at Fourth and Arch and puts the seats in the upper gallery. For part of Cuffe's sermon in this same house see p. 213. For other anecdotes of Cuffe's modesty see "William Rotch of Nantucket," by Augustine Jones, in the American Friend, viii, 1901, p. 442 (reprinted as a pamphlet, Philadelphia, 1901, p. 28.)

(130)Friends Intelligencer,, xiv, 1858, 412, quoting the New Bedford Standard, which quotes the Fall River News. As Madison married Dolly Payne, a Quakeress, he was probably used to plain Quaker speech. Another Quaker, Jesse Kersey, who visited President Madison in 1814, reports that the latter "had thought of the plan to removing the slaves to Africa, as contemplated by Paul Cuffe." (Narrative of Jesse Kersey, 1851, p. 74.)

(131)Memoirs of Stephen Grellet, Philadelphia, n.d., p. 171. William Allen describes at some length his interest in and association with Paul Cuffe on this visit, including their interview with the Duke of Gloucester. See Life of William Allen, London, 1846, i, 133ff (or Philadelphia, 1847, i, 99ff.); James Shermon, Memoir of William Allen, F.R.S., Philadelphia, 1851, pp. 77ff. A letter of Edward Pease of the same year describes not only Paul Cuffe as "a black friend (sic)" but also "his ship's crew all back friends (sic)" (Diary of Edward Pease, The Father of English Railways, by A.E. Pease, London, 1907, p. 54.)

(132)The Annual Monitor, York, 1822, p. 9ff. The Friend, Philadelphia, v, 1831, p. 87; lix, p. 358; Comly, Miscellany, i. pp. 118ff.; W. Armistead, A Tribute for the Negro, Manchester, 1848, pp. 182ff.

(133)Friends Review iii, 1850, p. 700, copied in the Friends Weekly Intelligencer, vii, p. 182, and The Non-Slaveholder, v, 1850, pp. 206ff.

(134)Loc. cit., p. 697.

(135) An autobiographical narrative is quoted in The Parrish Family, by Susan P. Wharton, Philadelphia, 1925, p. 55f. from the Friends Intelligencer. Slightly different is the story in The Friend, xvi, 1843, 215f. The details of the attack are given ibid., xi, 1838, 272. The night after Pennsylvania Hall was burned a mob attacked the building of the Shelter on Thirteenth Street above Callowhill. The orphans had not yet been installed, nor was the edifice much injured "but nearly all the furniture and bed clothing were." The Third Annual Report of the Association for the Care of Coloured Orphans, 1839, p. 3, makes only the slightest reference to "the late fire." Elsewhere it details the individual contributions to the orphanage including (p. 8) "an orrery (?) for the school room" from Sarah M. Douglass. #

(136)Friends Intelligencer, lv, 1898, pp. 294, 336; R.C. Smedley, History of the Underground Railroad in Chester County, Lancaster, 1883, pp. 353ff. (with a wood cut), Aaron M. Powell, Personal Reminiscences, 1899, p. 147ff.

(137)Whittier's Prose Works, 1889, iii, 178. Cf. Samuel J. May, Some Recollections of Our Anti-Slavery Conflict, 1869, pp. 288f., with reference to the same occasion. For extended examples of his oratory may be consulted his Tribute to the Memory of Thomas Shipley, Philadelphia, 1836, and Remarks on the Life and Character of James Forten, Philadelphia, 1842. Letters by him to the Liberator are reprinted in the Journal of Negro History, x, 1925, pp. 359ff., 379f.

(138) See reports of Minutes of Indiana Yearly Meeting annually; History of Southland College, Richmond, Ind., 1906, and similar histories published in 1895 and 1920. The property was sold the Colored Masons of Arkansas to be used as a home for the aged and orphans.

(139) Cf. The Young Man of God: Memoirs of Stanley Pumphrey, by. H.S. Newman, London, n.d., p. 280 (New York edit., 1883, p. 274).

(140) H.M. Wigham, Memoir of Richard Allen, London, 1886, p. 217.

(141)Board of Home Missions of the Five Years Meeting of Friends. Third Annual Report 1922-23, p. 24. The report of the same Board for the next year (p. 29) speaks of him as preaching at the Institute the first Sunday of each month.

(142) For an appreciation and portrait see The American Friend, Aug. 2, 1923, pp. 602-3.

(143) For notice of Osborn T. Taylor see The American Friend, Aug. 8, 1935, p. 325.

(144) Cf. Allen C. Thomas and Richard H. Thomas, A History of Friends in America 1895, p 292 (4th and later editions, p. 184) where without giving names, it is said that a few Negroes have become minister among Friends, but only among the Orthodox. The Irish Friend i, 1837-8, p. 64, tells of a slave, Pompey, owned by a Friend of Deep River Monthly Meeting, N.C. who was commanded in a dream to go among people called Quakers and tell them in Christ's name to be still. He had recently been brought from Guinea and did not speak English well, nor had he heard of Christ, but his master released him for this service and accompanied by a Friend he visited Quaker families in Deep River and New Garden Meeting and elsewhere. The same story is told in the Friends Weekly Intelligencer vii, 1850-1., p. 410. Evidently it was believed to be a Divine warning to prepare Friends for the coming war of the American Revolution.

(145) Both Noah McLean and William Allen (see below) were visitors at Canada Yearly Meeting in 1877 and contributed to the growth of the evangelistic movement in West Lake Quarter, which led to the Separation of 1881. See Arthur G. Dorland, History of the Society of Friends in Canada, 1927, p. 237.

(146)Minutes of the Canada Yearly Meeting of Friends Held at Willington, Ontario 1898, pp. 59-62. This memorial I have used freely, sometimes quoting verbatim.

(147) See Banneker, the Afric-American (?) Astronomer, Philadelphia, 1884, p. 67. The author, Martha Ellicott Tyson, was a daughter of Bannkeker's closest friend. Except for two earlier brief notices in the Maryland Historical Society Proceedings I and III (one of them reprinted in The Friend, Philadelphia, xviii, 1845, pp. 307f., 321f.) no other biography seems available, nor is Banneker included in the Dictionary of American Biography. It is understood that both he and some other persons named in this paper are to be subject in a group of biographies to be published shortly under the editorship of Benjamin Brawley. In the meanwhile see the notice and bibliography in the same writer's Early Negro American Writers 1935, pp. 75-79. The essay there reprinted from his almanac on "The Plan of Peace-Office for the United States," though Quakerly enough in spirit, is, however, not by Banneker, but by Dr. Benjamin Rush.

(148) Wm. J. Skillman, writing from Albany, in 1877, MS. note in the Pennsylvania Historical Society copy of G. Vale, Fanaticism illustrated by the Simple Narrative of Isabella in the case of Matthias, N.Y., 1835, identified her with the heroine of that tale. He definitely refers to knowing her when, in 1863-5 and probably after that, she kept a news-stand at Battle Creek, Michigan.

(149) Aaron M. Powell, Personal Reminiscences, 1899, pp. 16ff. On her early life see Narrative of Sojourner Truth, Boston, 1850, and later editions. Cf. Lillie B.C. Wyman in New England Magazine, xxiv, 1901, 59-66 (with portraits).

(150)Atlantic Monthly, xi, 1863, 480. A striking anecdote ofher speaking at the National Convention of American Anti-Slavery Women, Akron, Ohio, 18521, is quoted from the reminiscences of Frances D. Gage in Angels and Amazons: A Hundred Years of American Women, by Inez Haynes Irwin, N.Y., 1933, pp. 98ff. It was previously published in Stanton, Anthony and Gage, History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. I, 1881, 115-117.